Wang Jing-Wei (1883 - 1944)

Wang Jing-Wei (1883 – 1944)

By: Agus Salim

Synopsis of Article:
Article Title : Wang Ching-Wei: China’s Romantic Radical
Author : Howard L. Boorman
Published : Political Science Quarterly, Vol 79, No 4 (Dec 1964), pp 504-525

History is written by the Victor. Victor shall be Heroes: yet Losers must assume Villain Role. This has been valid since time immemorial. Both roles has been attached to Wang Jing-Wei; a prominent figure in Chinese History. Be famous yet Infamous - simultaneously. This article written by Howard L. Boorman retells the biopic of Wang Jing Wei.

The contradictory emblem was attached to Wang Jing-Wei: Once praised but then condemned. He had already become a national political celebrity since his early youth, only to be remembered as forever traitor after his death. Once he was the strongest candidate for China’s National Leadership after the death of Sun Yat-Sen; father of Modern China, as he was one the closest associates to Sun. He followed Sun since he was a student, and keep assisting him as his Political Secretary. He was also one of those who circled Sun Yat-Sen at the last seconds of Sun’s deceasing life at that time. It was also Wang Jing-Wei; who wrote the last political testament hardly spelled slowly, by deceasing Sun Yat-Sen at his last finest hour in his deathbed in 1925. At that time, China was anticipating Wang Jing-Wei as her next leader, successor to Sun Yat-Sen. But History then moved to different course; Wang lost the power struggle to his strongest contender, Chiang Kai-Shek. This contradictory historical role, and also tragic epic, is beautifully - satirically expressed by the Author of this article, Howard L Boorman as follows:

"Actually men, as well as ideas, institutions, and accidents shape history. And in China it is notable that one individual, who a generation ago ranked as one of the most prominent figures of the republican period, is already obscured, his memory shrouded by both Nationalists and Communists with the darkest of drapes, that of "National Traitor". The man is Wang Ching-Wei. For nearly forty years from 1905 until his death in 1944, Wang’s energy, magnetism, and vitality served to leave his personal imprint on the political history of twentieth-century China."
(Page 504)

"… Versatile, sincere by his standards, an eloquent public speaker in a country which favors dramatic virtuosity, Wang Ching-Wei was nevertheless a thwarted man"
(Page 524)

Childhood (1883 – 1903)
Wang Jing-Wei was born on May 4, 1883 at Canton during the sunset years of Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). Even though born in Canton, and publicly known by his Compatriots as Cantonese, actually his ancestral home was at Shao-Hsing in Chekiang. History always works in a strange, magical ways by giving perfect coincidences. This is very true in Wang Jing-Wei’s case, as Chekiang, Wang’s ancestral home province, is also a native province of Wang Jing-Wei’s future nemesis contender, Chiang Kai-Shek. Due to financial grounds, Wang’s Father, Wang Shu moved from Chekiang to Canton to take a post as a legal secretary, personally employed by an official of the imperial civil service. He was the youngest of 10 children in his family. Like other children at that time, he received his early education in the Chinese Classics. Chinese Classics and History was his area of mastery and influence his evolution of thought throughout his life.

"The boy’s [Wang Jing-Wei’s] ethical and aesthetic standards during his formative years were conventionally Chinese, his later reminiscences referring particularly to the philosophy of Wang Yang-Ming (1472-1529) and to the poetry of T’ao Ch’ien (365-427) and Lu Yu (1125-1210). Like other sensitive young Chinese growing up in the eighteen-nineties, Wang Ching-Wei’s reading of Chinese history made him impatient of China’s weakness and resentful of the alien dynasty then ruling at Peking"
(Page 506)

Poverty was Wang’s constant aspects in his life during his youth. Her mother died when he was only 13, and one year later 14-years old Wang must grieve over the death of his father. Two of his three elder brothers also died soon thereafter. He had to earn money for his life and also support his family at the same time. In 1898, Wang was admitted to one of Canton academies as tutor. Not only worked, he also continued his autodidact study independently with the help of his uncle’s well-stocked library. In 1903, he succeeded in passing Kwangtung Provincial Examination and gained Qing Government scholarship for study in Japan the following year.

Japan – Study and Entry into Politics (1904 – 1907)
It was in Tokyo, that he initially encountered his pathway to political career. Again, history works with its’ magic coincidences. It was in Japan, Wang first discover his passion for politics and begin his rocketing political odyssey. Yet it was also his later collaboration with Japan, which brings his name forever in infamy, disgrace, eternally recorded in Chinese History’s Black List.

He met Hu Han-Min and other names destined to become prominent figures in politics of Republican China, and joined Tung Meng Hui in 1905, a year before he obtained his degree of Constitutional Law and Political Theory at the Tokyo Law College in 1906. Tung Meng Hui was a Chinese Patriotic Society formed in Japan in 1905 by Sun Yat-Sen, Huang Xing, and other radical activists. The aim of Tung Meng Hui was the Awakening of Chinese Nation by overthrowing the ruling corrupt decadence Qing-dynasty, which was accused as the cause of the declining Chinese state at that time. He was then elected as one of the three councils of the Tung Meng Hui. He was only 22 years old at that time. From this point, he began to develop his personal association with Sun Yat-Sen. This political association lasts till both men died.

With his excellent literary skill, Wang established his reputation as brilliant polemicist-writer in Min Pao (Tung Meng Hui’s official newspaper-alike-publication). Soon, he began to gain fame as eloquent conversationalist in a literary duel with Liang Chi-Chao.

Southeast Asia (1907 – 1909)
In 1907, Sun Yat-Sen was forced to leave Japan. Wang and Hu Han-Min joined Sun in his political exile, and then moved to Southeast Asia to expand Tung Meng Hui’s organization, and also to gain both political – financial support from overseas Chinese communities resided in these areas. In this time, Wang discover and expand his talents, skills, and abilities to the fullest:

"…Wang continued to demonstrate his talents not only as a forceful journalist but also as persuasive public speaker on behalf of a political movement which had as yet won scant success in the effort to rid China of Manchu rule. Wang’s oratorical brilliance, a quality for which he remained well known throughout his public career, played on important role in attracting new overseas Chinese support to the Tung Meng Hui and in establishing new branches, the most important of which were at Singapore and Penang"
(Page 508)

Articulate oratorical skill, combined with eloquent literary talent, resided inside handsome figure of Wang Jing-Wei was really a perfect blend of National Hero Figure.
"Wang Ching-Wei was a many-sided man: a handsome, perennially youthful, romantic poet in quest of China’s quintessential soul …"
(Page 505)

"Wang’s youthful appearance and personal allure were legendary in republican China; even after his death, some elderly female hearts in China and Hong Kong beat faster when his name was mentioned. An excellent photograph of Wang in his prime appears in T’ang Leang-li (ed), Reconstruction in China: A Record of Progress and Achievement in Facts and Figures (Shanghai, 1935), following p. 12"
(Footnote Point 2, Page 505)

Return to Japan (1909 – 1910)
Sun Yat-Sen left Singapore for Europe in 1909, while Wang returned to Japan. He became editor of a short-lived clandestine edition of the revived Min Pao. Wang’s editorial tone at this period was very militant. In the final issue of Min Pao (1 February 1910), he wrote ferociously in "On the Revolutionary Current" advocating assassination to spark the overthrow of Qing Dynasty. Wang had talked the walk, said what he meant. Soon, he would really walk the talk. He truly means what he had said.

National Hero (1910 - 1911)
Wang journeyed incognito with a small group of fellow conspirators to Peking early in 1910 and led an attempt to assassinate the Manchu Prince Regent by placing a massive bomb under a bridge over which the prince was scheduled to pass. This plot was leaked out and ended in failure. Wang was arrested in April 1910. He demonstrated extreme courage during the interrogation by Qing authorities. However, he was not executed and only imprisoned, even though he had prepared himself to die as a martyr.

He was released in the wake of Wuchang Revolt (October 1911), already established his image as national hero at 28 years-old.

Political Vacuum, Marriage, and years in France (1911 – 1917)
Wang’s excellent political exploits during Pre-Republican Era, somehow, did not progress in parallel with what he done during Post Revolution – Early Republican Era. He didn’t held any significant influencing post in government, but only involved in organizing a Society for the Promotion of Virtue, and a movement to promote Chinese students to go to France for a combined work-and-study program.

But in this political hectic pause period, Wang Jing-Wei married with Chen Pi-Chun. Chen Pi-Chun was a daughter of wealthy overseas Chinese family in Penang. Wang got acquainted with Chen Family during his Southeast Asian days with Tung Meng Hui. After the marriage, Wang left China for a wedding trip to the Straits Settlements and Europe. He spent the First World War years in France. There he involved with the training of Chinese students there but very minimally involved with political dynamics at motherland China. He returned to China in late 1917 and joined Sun Yat-Sen, together with him organizing opposition regime in Canton.

Personal Aide to Sun Yat-Sen (1917 – 1925)
Since 1917, Wang Jing-Wei spent all his time as a member of personal aide to Sun Yat-Sen until Sun’s death in 1925. Henceforth, Chinese people and also he, himself, regards Wang Jing-Wei as a true heir of Sun Yat-Sen.

"Believing himself to be the true heir of Sun Yat-Sen, he was resentful of Chiang Kai-Shek and his wife (Soong Mei-Ling), viewing Chiang as a political parvenu of limited intellectual background and distrusting the bona fides of the Chiang-Soong ‘dynasty’."
(Page 524)

"Wang believed that he should hold undisputed leadership over the Kuomintang but found himself increasingly harassed by sharp criticism from political antagonists…"
(Page 513)

Sun decided to collaborate with Communist Party of China, whose internal organ dominated by Comintern, during 1922-1923. The party started to be reorganized into Leninist line. Wang occupied an influencing political position at Canton at this time. His political career was going to an ascending progressive direction. At the First National Congress of the Kuomintang in January 1924, Wang was elected second-ranking member of the Central Executive Committee after Hu-Han Min at the first.

Sun Yat-Sen kept struggling for National Unification. In Late 1924, he made his final journey to talk with power holders in Peking: Chang Tso-Lin, Feng Yu-Hsiang, and Tuan Chi-Jui. Wang Jing-Wei served as Sun’s confidential secretary at this event. Wang, Sun, and their group left Canton for Peking in Late November 1924. From Shanghai, Sun proceeded northward via Japan, whilst Wang Jing-Wei went directly by train to Tientsin to finish arrangements for the talks. At the end of the year 1924, Sun arrived in Peking only to find out that Tuan Chi-Jui, the ruling Chief Executive in Peking, had no intention to let Sun and Kuomintang to interfere with the operation of the new regime there.

Sun’s health was swiftly deteriorating at this time. He was diagnosed infected by cancer and he had to be admitted to the hospital of the Peking Union Medical College. Sun’s death countdown was a show of the finest hour episode in Wang’s entire political career. This scene was portrayed dramatically by Harold L. Boorman as follows:

"After two decades of association with Sun Yat-Sen, Wang Ching-Wei was the most senior and trusted Kuomintang leader then in Peking. Except for Sun’s young second wife, Soong Ching-Ling, and his son, Sun Fo, probably no individual was closer to the dying man. On February 24, Wang drafted Sun’s final political testament, or will, a brief injunction to Sun’s followers to carry the national revolution through to completion in accordance with the principles set forth in his major writings. This document Sun signed on March 11, 1925, the day before his death"
(Page 511)

Kuomintang Power Struggle Post-Sun’s Death (1925 – 1927)
After Sun’s death, the competition for highest executive power in Kuomintang began. Two leading contenders for the national leadership at that time were Hu Han-Min and Wang Jing-Wei. Both Wang and Hu had been closest personal associates of Sun Yat-Sen. They also had developed close personal friendship since they were students in Tokyo in 1904. Wang Jing-Wei succeeded in containing Hu Han-Min’s political influence in the National Congress of Kuomintang in January 1925, in which most of Hu Han-Min’s associated were dropped from the position, and a substantial group of Wang’s supporter was elected to the central party’s apparatus.
Shortly thereafter, Wang Jing-Wei had a clash with Chiang Kai-Shek, commander of the Nationalist military forces at Canton. After this clash, Wang Jing-Wei left for Europe in the spring of 1926.

The other distracting issue after Sun’s death was the status and continuity of Kuomintang’s alliance with Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After the Nationalist military triumph in unifying China, internally they started to discourse on the status of Kuomintang’s alliance with the CCP. Facing this issue, Kuomintang was split into two-factions since the beginning of 1927: Right-Wing group centered on Chiang Kai-Shek at Nanking, and Left-Wing Group centered in Hankow.
Left-Wing Group, intended to compete the encroaching influence of Chiang Kai-Shek, whose power grows swiftly since successful Northern Military Expedition, called Wang Jing-Wei back from Europe to lead the Left-Wing Group.

Leading Left-Wing Kuomintang (1927)
Chiang Kai-Shek was indeed an ardent anti-communist throughout his life. He shall experience a bitter memory with Communist when he lost China to them in 1949. In April 1927, Right-Wing Kuomintang under Chiang broke the alliance with CCP by executing a bloody coup in Shanghai. Wang Jing-Wei and Left-Wing Kuomintang also severed their relations with Communist in July 1927 after M.N. Roy, the Comintern representative for China based at Hankow, indiscreetly informed him on Moscow’s aggressive plan for China. This, at the end unified previously split Left-Wing Kuomintang and Right-Wing Kuomintang on their policy towards Comintern and CCP.
However, integration in organizational politics and strategy never followed by real unity of the individuals in power. Power struggle amongst contenders: Wang Jing-Wei, Chiang Kai-Shek, and Hu Han-Min. Communist led-Canton Commune Affair happened in December 1927. Wang and former Left-Wing Group were harangued by sharp criticisms from former Right-Wing Group in the party. Disturbed yet disappointed, Wang Jing-Wei unexpectedly left Shanghai to return to France.

Rival Government to oppose Chiang Kai-Shek in Peiping (1928 – 1931)
Within 1928 – 1931, either in China or overseas, Wang led the "Association for Reorganization of the Kuomintang", which is an opposition faction to Chiang Kai-Shek domination within Kuomintang.

At that time, Chiang practiced dictatorial power in Kuomintang Party and Government. At the Kuomintang’s Third National Congress in March 1929, congress dominated by Chiang’s supporters charged Political Deviationism on Wang Jing-Wei. Chiang permeated into all labyrinths of Kuomintang, but not without foe. Feng Yu-Hsiang and Yen Hsi-Shan - both were former Warlord submitted to Kuomintang rule – most powerful opponent to Chiang, coalesced with Wang Jing-Wei in 1930 to establish a rival "national government" at Peiping. This opposition movement failed as Chang Hsueh-Liang, the Young Marshall who controlled Manchuria sided with Chiang. Anti-Chiang Coalition at Peiping was thus ended in demise. Wang Jing-Wei, once again, had a his share as Political Refugee, in history.

Joined Canton Movement to oppose Chiang Kai-Shek (1931)
Chiang Kai-Shek house arrest of Hu Han-Min at Nanking sparked new wave of opposition to Chiang. Ambitious Kwangtung and Kwangsi Military leaders use this event as a robust ground in legitimizing their opposition to Chiang Kai-Shek. Begun in early 1930, this time the opposition movement was based in Canton. Wang joined The Canton Movement to oppose Chiang, once again.

Inagurated as Prime Minister of China (1932)
September 1931, Japanese Military attacked Manchuria. Faced by stronger, more superior nemesis from outside, all the contending Kuomintang leaders, had to put aside their feud and established a temporary political compromise. Canton Movement voluntarily dissolved and integrated with Chiang Kai-Shek at Nanking. The Reorganization of National Government was convened in winter 1931-32 to appoint all Kuomiontang leaders, both Nanking Group and Opposition Group members, into their respective government position. Wang Jing-Wei officially appointed President of the Executive Yuan, or Prime Minister on January 28, 1932. As the War with Japan started, Wang began his collaboration with Chiang Kai-Shek from February 1932 – November 1935. Chiang led the military operations in annihilating CCP bases in Kiangsi, whereas Wang headed the Government at Nanking. The times of Wang Jing-Wei took charge in Nanking is considered the apex of the Nationalist Regime in China Mainland. Wang bring Republic of China into its zenith, its hallmark, its pinnacle.

"The dimension of reconstruction and expansion were varied: fiscal and financial reform; development of communications, including civil aviation; rural rehabilitation; the modernization of university education; the revitalization of public morals and morale. From 1932 to 1935, when Wang Ching-Wei headed the Executive Yuan at Nanking, his political authority and personal incorruptibility did much to make that the most progressive period in the history of the Nationalist Government."
(Page 514 – 515)

History never gives Wang full opportunity to vindicate his merit. Wang led the Nationalist Government into its zenith, but without full access. It was not an easy task, as he had to perform his mark on history with desperation; under the auspices of uneasy alliance with Chiang.

"Although Wang was prime minister, Chiang Kai-Shek never fully trusted him and ensured that his own relatives by marriage, H. H. Kung and T. V. Soong, held key posts at Nanking to guarantee appropriate checks on Wang. "
(Page 515)

Exasperated by Chiang distrust to him, Wang left Europe in October 1932, while T. V. Soong replaced his authority in Nanking. Wang returned to China in March 1933, and resumed his task as Executive Yuan head and Prime Minister.

Because he was involved in negotiations with the Japanese authorities on the establishment of railway and mail communications between China proper and Manchukuo, and the legal agreement defining Japanese position on China, he played the unpopular political role, as the current collective national public opinion at that time was against Japan. His life was at stake for this role.

Assassination attempt and Wang’s lost of political power (1935 – 1938)
September 1, 1935, in the midst of Kuomintang Central Executive Committee Meeting, Wang was shot by an assassin disguised as a photographer. He was severely wounded. Surgical treatment at Shanghai failed to remove all the bullets. Wang must had medical care in Europe, thus involuntarily resigned all his official posts in December 1935. Wang left for Europe in February 1936.

To 1936, the Nationalist Regime stance towards Japanese Military occupation and encroachment into China’s territory had been passive, pacifying, since they believed that due to China’s vast territory, Japan would not be able to occupy all the Chinese soil, and really win the war. So, the Nationalist Military focused more of its effort to exterminate the Communist forces, whilst applied passive military position towards Japan. Therefore, the duet head of the Nationalist Government; Wang Jing-Wei and Chiang Kai-Shek had been taking unpopular policy path, despite emerging wide-popular sentiment for a joint unified front of Nationalist Regime and Communist force to oppose Japan Military voiced by various influencing pressure groups, such as students, intellectuals, patriots, and also people in common.

All of these events intersected and exploded in Xian Incident of December 1936, when Zhang Xue-Liang, the Young Marshall, kidnapped Chiang Kai-Shek and forced him to form an alliance with Communist to counter Japanese Military attack on China. Thus, the Nationalist – Communist alliance was once again established. To Chiang Kai-Shek, Xian Incident and its aftermath, was a blessing in disguise, as he obtained full power as top commander of the Nationalist war cause. Wang Jing-Wei himself hurriedly came back to China from Europe soon after the Xian Incident. But it was too late. Wang’s power and influence in both party and government would soon getting weaken. In Special Wartime Congress at Hankow in March 1938, Chiang’s power was confirmed, when he was elected tsung-t’sai (leader). Wang was elected deputy. But this position was more symbolic titular than functional. Wang’s political associates were removed slowly from the central political arena.

Wang Jing-Wei’s change to pacifist attitude towards Japanese Invasion (1938)
Current real condition of China – Japan war, which showed no slightest optimistic future on China’s victory at the end of the war, has shaped Wang Jing-Wei’s own original view that China should spend more effort to formulate a peaceful solution with Japan.

"During the first year of the war, he became discouraged over the eventual outcome and proposed that the National Government negotiate a peaceful settlement with Japan. When the government evacuated to Chungking after the fall of Hankow in October 1938, Wang was increasingly dubious of China’s ability to sustain a protracted war against the well-trained military forces and well-mobilized industrial system of Japan."
(Page 516)

On December 16, 1938, Wang had a talk with Chiang, without mentioning his current pessimism on current Anti-Japanese War development. Then, on December 18, 1938, Wang flew to Chengdu for a ceremonial occasion, then to Kunming. Finally, on December 21, 1938, Wang arrived in French Indochina.

Hanoi: Initial talks with Japan to establish Collaborative Regime (1938 – 1939)
December 30, 1938, the day after Wang arrived in Hanoi, French Indochina, Prince Konoye, the Japan’s premier, issued a statement declaring that Japan would collaborate with a new Chinese regime to readjust Sino-Japanese relations on the foundation of a "new order in East Asia" principle. Nationalist Government in exile under Chiang; based in Chungking; swiftly refused this offer without any faltering.

Wang Jing-Wei, reacted to Chungking’s prompt refusal to Japan’s collaboration offer, then transmitted a telegram to the central government at Chungking on 29 December 1938, in which in it he expressed his advocacy on peaceful settlement with Japan, and requested Chiang Kai-Shek to halt armed resistance against Japanese Military.

Acknowledging Chiang and Chungking Regime’s firm, unyielding stance to keep confronting Japan, Wang remained at Hanoi to continue talks with Japanese representatives from Tokyo. He thought of leaving for France and await China’s inevitable defeat to Japanese Military might, which also means Chiang’s Regime doom, so that succeeding its aftermath, Wang would be able to return to China to establish a new Nationalist Government under him.

Wang’s dream never realized. History had placed Chiang and China under severe attack from Japanese Military during Chinese Anti-Japan Resistance War 1938 – 1945, but Chiang survived from the Japanese attack, and also from the power struggle with Wang Jing-Wei. Wang never succeeded in establishing his new Nationalist Regime. It was his short-lived Collaborative Regime in Nanking and its’ key Government apparatus members that would meet its’ doom under Chiang’s War Criminal Tribune prosecution following the end of World War Two. Apart from this, Wang Jing-Wei was lucky enough to meet his death before witnessing the bitter fall of his Nanking regime.

Distant from China, Hanoi soon proved not to be a comfortable stop for Wang. In the early morning of March 21, 1939, Secret Agents sent by Chungking entered his residence in Hanoi and fired shots all over. This was once again, one of many assassination attempts on Wang’s life. Wang survived this assassination attempt, but his long-time associate and closest confidant, Tseng Chung-Ming, was fatally wounded and died. Wang was extremely infuriated by the death of Tseng, and now the utmost antagonistic point of his rivalry with Chiang Kai-Shek has been reached. There would never be a turning back. There were never be. During the last years of his life, Chiang Kai-Shek was his most devilish nemesis, and he spent all efforts to confront him, including working actively with Japan; China’s major foreign enemy.

Heading a Puppet "National Government" in Nanking (1940 – 1944)
Wang left Hanoi for Shanghai in spring 1939 to confer with Chinese who were active in North China puppet regime and in the Japan-supported Reformed Government based at Nanking. The aim of this conference is to organize a merger of the various Chinese administrations in Japanese-occupied area in China. Then, Wang visited Tokyo in May 1939, and again in October 1939. The joint statement with Japanese authorities was secretly signed at the end of that year. However the copies of this Joint Statement were leaked by two Wang’s associate defected to Hongkong in January 1940. Publication of the secret agreement between Wang and Japan stimulated public fury nationwide. But Wang never hesitated to turn back.

The new "National Government" of the Republic of China supported by Japan was officially established on March 30, 1940 with Wang Jing-Wei as its head. All the executive governmental structure and bodies were directly adopted from the legitimate national government. First thing he did after assuming head of state title, was issuing an open invitation to all civil servants and party officials in Chungking to participate in his government. Eventually, Wang became the real head of state, grasping his sense of prophesied destiny as true heir of Sun Yat-Sen, but this time by Japanese support.

"…Wang Ching-wei took the position that his government was the legitimate national government of China; his party was the Kuomintang; his flag was the Kuomintang flag; and the principles of his government were the Three People’s Principles of Sun Yat-Sen"
(Page 519)

The heir had become a puppet king. His power again was more symbolic, titular rather than real; depended on the whims of Japanese military strategic interests in China.

"Actually, since Japan’s original intention in supporting Wang had been to force Chungking into entering peace negotiations, it delayed granting formal recognition to the Nanking regime until the informal peace feelers to Chungking had apparently failed. Tokyo did not sign a basic treaty with Nanking and accord formal diplomatic recognition to that government until November 30, 1940, almost two years after Wang had first left Chungking, and eight months after his regime had been established. The November 1940 agreement, contrary to what Wang and his followers had hoped, maintained strong Japanese military and economic domination over the occupied areas while granting the Chinese authorities at Nanking only token responsibility for internal administration."
(Page 518 – 519)

World War Two moved its pendulum more favoring towards Axis powers in 1940 – 1941, before America joined the War. In this time, Wang became more pessimists towards China’s Anti-Japan War Resistant effort. Politically, China at that time was divided into three parts: Nationalist China under Chiang Kai-Shek in Chungking, Communist Revolutionary Government in Yenan, and Japanese-occupied China. This Japanese-occupied China included: Manchukuo, the Manchurian Regime established in 1932 under its’ puppet emperor Henry Pu Yi; the North China Puppet Regime at Peiping; Meng-chiang, the Japanese-controlled government in Inner Mongolia; and Wang Jing-Wei’s "National Government" at Nanking.

Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour on December 7, 1941; provoked the furious America sided with Allies in the War. The pendulum began to move into opposite direction, the Allies. Japanese Military started to receive severe blow elsewhere in the Pacific Battlefield Arena, and forced to compromise. Wang visited Tokyo between End of 1942 and Early 1943, in which he conferred with Prime Minister Tojo and other key figure in Japanese Government. As a result of these conferences, Japan agreed to surrender their concessions in China and the right of extraterritoriality, whilst Nanking Government formally declared war against the United States and Great Britain as the trade-offs on January 9, 1943. Nanking New "National Government" of the Republic of China now joined Japan into the World War Two Arena.

Following Prime Minister Tojo visit to China, on summer of 1943, agreements were signed under which Nanking assumed administrative control over the International Settlement and the French Concession at Shanghai. The Nanking authorities entered into formal possession of these areas on August 1, 1943.

As Japan fully joined into the World War, Japan now pursued more moderate, pacifying policy towards China. Wang’s Government status elevated to become a more equal in its relationship to Japan. A new treaty of alliance between Nanking and Tokyo was formulated on October 30, 1943. This treaty voided earlier treaty concluded on November 30, 1940, in which inside the new treaty’s preamble literally expressed the resolve of the two governments to cooperate as equal and independent neighbors in the establishment of Greater East Asia. Even though militarily still controlled by Japan, Wang’s Government had received more prestigious status diplomatically.

Throughout 1944, Japan also approached Chungking through General Tai Li, adapting a more moderate policy, as its military power was mostly absorbed into the Pacific War with Allied. Concurrently, Chungking was also troubled by Communist under Mao Ze Dong. A short period of undeclared truce between Nanking and Japanese-backed Chungking occurred. In politics, there were neither real friends nor real enemies.

"…the idea of joint Chungking-Nanking operations against the Chinese Communist reportedly gained some support from conservative elements in the Kuomintang who viewed the Communists as a greater long-term threat than the Japanese…"
(Page 522)

Wang consistently lived with diabetes and 1935 assassination attempt wounds as he never fully recovered. On November 1944, Wang Jing-Wei was again forced to go abroad to Japan for his medical treatment. Wang never returned to his motherland alive. At Nagoya, Japan, he passed away on November 10, 1944, at the age of sixty-one. In Japan, first he encountered Tung Meng Hui and met Sun Yat-Sen, thus found his passion and destiny into revolution and politics. Finally, also in Japan he ended both his mortal and political life. With Japan, he left his footprints in Chinese History condemned forever as Han-Jian (Traitor to the Han Chinese), despite multitudes of achievement, lots of merits had he dedicated to Chinese people emancipation and national awakening.

Wang Jing-Wei was lucky enough to die before witnessing the doom of his regime, in which all of his closest associates in Japanese-backed Nanking new "National Government" must face death sentence under Chiang Kai-Shek’s legitimate government after the war ended. Unfortunately, Wang never rested in peace. Few years later, under Chiang’s approval Kuomintang military exploded his tomb in Nanking. A tragic epilogue for a man cherished as national hero at his youth. Thus, how Wang Jing-Wei ended, From China’s romantic radical only to be remembered in Chinese History as Traitor, forever.

Howard L. Boorman concluded Wang’s doomed career at the finale part of this article.

"Wang possessed virtually all of the qualifications required for political success in republican China except one: control of military power. Lacking that vital element, he relied on personal brilliance and virtuosity rather than on political consistency, theoretical insight, or organizational ability. Throughout his adult career, Wang was pre-eminently the opportunist. He failed to create or adapt any unified body of political doctrine which could rally mass support; and he never succeeded in building an integrated political organization through which words could be transmuted into reality. Attractive as he was to many Chinese, Wang Ching-wei was ultimately a dreamer."
(Page 525)

Jakarta, 17 December 2008, approximately 17:31 WIB